British decolonisation in Africa Essay Example for Free

British decolonisation in Africa Essay Within the context of 1880-1980, to what extent did British actions accelerate British decolonisation in Africa? In the later years of the 19th century the scramble for the African continent by Western imperialist powers was reaching its climax. It appeared that the dark continent was to be no longer dark, but to be the product of Western colonial expansion with several European countries dividing up the land. No where was this more apparent than with Britain whose Empire was at its height at the turn of the century. Egypt, for instance, was a colony for 40 years (1882-1922) with its pinnacle at the turn of the century; however the decolonisation of the country as early as this is an anomaly in itself as only South Africa had previously been granted independence by the British, albeit as a self-governing dominion. In a bizarre turn of events which historians still debate today, the Empire crumbled and by the 1970s only two African states remained British colonies: Rhodesia and South West Africa. The Empire had taken the best part of a century to amalgamate, yet was mostly swept away in just over a decade. Many reasons have been proposed for the vast acceleration of decolonisation including economic difficulties at the metropole (Cain and Hopkins)1 and the rise of local nationalist movements (Hodgkin)2. More recently the actions of the British have been cited as a possible factor for the acceleration of decolonisation in Africa, marking a change in the historiography of the period. Turner3 and Lapping4 are promoters of this theory, which is gaining credence in the academic world. The 1945 election of the Labour party is a watershed in decolonisation acceleration. WW2 had recently ended which marked a shift in British culture and society, including a changed attitude to Empire. Interestingly, whilst many of the new Cabinet were anti-imperialists, the new government did not have a direct plan to fully decolonise. It was more a case of the Empire having to take a backseat to far more pressing matters: imperialism, in effect, slipped through the cracks of government. The party was elected on the mandate of and closely focused upon British welfare; the African colonies were working and therefore the governments attention was deviated, however it was one of the actions directed at the metropole which accelerated independence for many colonies. The introduction of the Welfare State in 1948 led many Britons to consider the priority and indeed the importance of the Empire when compared to home-grown issues. WW2 brought increased globalisation and it is possible that through this many British citizens saw their needs ahead of the colonies: an archaic and out-of-date segment of British foreign policy. If the colonies had representation in the British Parliament and were a province of, rather than simply a colony of Great Britain, this attitude may have been different: French Algeria, for instance, was certainly more respected at the metropole then any of Britains African colonies. There is a debate however, as to whether the British public had undergone a liberal revolution or were simply acting with self-interest. White has theorised that the latter is true, citing that the reason as to why the colonies were ditched was to release resources for domestic welfare spending5. Moreover, the fact National Service was revoked in 1960 reduced Britains ability to defend its colonies against uprising nationalist movements: conscription was ended through self-interest, as the majority of British youths didnt want to have to fight in the far off terrains of Sub-Saharan Africa. This further implies that the average British citizen was becoming disinterested by the Empire or, at the very least, impartial to its future. I will cover nationalism in greater depth below, but with such a lack of metropole interest, the Empire could not be expected to last long. The British action of electing a Labour government effectively, in an indirect form, accelerated decolonisation for ma ny of the African colonies. WW1 expanded the Empire both geographically and as a world power, with Britain gaining several new mandates from the Ottoman Empire. The geographical expansion of the Empire post-WW1 and the reluctance of the metropole to grant these new mandates independence6, imply that attitudes had not changed and many (both in government and in society) saw the Empire as a credible and useful segment of British politics: therefore, with the exception of the more economically advanced Egypt, African decolonisation by the British did not occur between the wars. Rather, many African colonies developed and became more stable societies. Take the Gold Coast for instance: between the wars its economy, communications and education became, to a certain extent, Westernised and the country flourished. Admittedly this led to the acceleration of nationalist movements in the area which, in turn, accelerated decolonisation, but the country was undeniably prospering due to the British-led government of the time.7 Many citizens of the African colonies (including Egypt and the Gold Coast) fought alongside British soldiers in WW1 and the respect and prestige for the peoples increased because of it. Indeed, the 1914-1939 era can be seen as one of the strongest periods of the British African Empire. This implies that a post-1945 factor (e.g. the Suez Crisis, see below) accelerated decolonisation. In comparison, World War 2 accelerated decolonisation at a far greater rate than many could have imagined just a few years prior. Effectively, the war established rather paradoxically that imperialism (both British and otherwise) was both positive and negative. Ferguson has noted that the British Empire sacrificed itself to stop the spread of the evil empire of Nazi Germany: indeed, the British Empire had never had a finer hour8 than when it was self-sacrificing. During the war it was inevitable that Britain would have to, to a certain extent, neglect the colonies to focus on defeating the enemy. Through this the colonies became more independent having to, for example, source resources and engage in trade without the aid of the metropole. Moreover, the colonial peoples had a greater influence on the running of their societies; in effect, many became informal dominions. This, combined with the policies of the 1945 Labour government, further fuelled nationalism which accelerated decolonisation; in a way similar to how the two World Wars improved womens rights in Britain, the wars seemed to suggest that many colonies could govern effectively on their own. Previously, only the more economically and politically stable societies had been granted independence (e.g. South Africa, 1910) and several colonies (e.g. the Gold Coast) seemed to show similar traits during the war. The Second World War didnt lead directly to decolonisation, but it is this British action which occurred because of the conflict that accelerated decolonisation in British Africa. The end of WW2 bought increased globalisation and a new world order, where the enemy didnt appear to be Nazism or Fascism, but rather the expansion of the Soviet Bloc and the spread of communism: the Cold War was just beginning to ignite. Along with the notion of changed attitudes of the British people, there is also the argument that the Empire really didnt fit into the new world. Now, the split between East and West had never been more apparent and British Africa looked like an oddity: along with the passing of new welfare legislation at the metropole and the changing attitudes of the British people, Britain needed to abolish the Empire for two reasons directly related to the Cold War: to concentrate efforts on halting the spread of communism and to appease the anti-imperialist US, who Britain now required as an ally more than ever before. Moreover, the world order was now unclear and Britain had far greater problems to worry about than what their small African colonies were up to: put bluntly, the new threat of nuclear inhalation seemed more important than the political shortcomings of, say, Somalia. While WW2 does spell out more crucial factors for the acceleration of decolonisation, the Cold War is another smaller factor which just added to the need to decolonise. The post-WW2 economy is a further crucial factor in the acceleration of decolonisation. Britain was no longer able to withstand the fiscal costs of Empire; this was coupled with a lack of substantial profit coming into the metropole from the African colonies. Economically, WW2 was a great strain on Britain with the country coming out of the war in great debt; she required a loan of à ¯Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ½145million from the US alone9. Britain was exhausted and worn down, both figuratively and physically. Many cities required money to rebuild, some from scratch, plus food badly needed to be imported following years of intense rationing. Moreover, the introduction of the welfare state (see above) required significant funding. As said, attitudes to Empire were changing which, combined with the need for intense spending on the homeland, led to many seeing the African colonies simply as a drain on Britains already scarce resources. Britain made the situation worse: during the war she had understanda bly concentrated on producing munitions for her troops, resulting in fewer exports to the colonies. Many turned away from the metropole and looked to alternate suppliers, including their own land which inevitably fuelled nationalism further. Moreover, two acts (The Colonial Development and Welfare Acts of 1940 and 1945) were passed during wartime which forced the British government to further invest in the colonial economies10, therefore making an already problematic economic situation worse. It is possible that the government felt it was backed into a corner and simply did not have the patience or money to rebuild the colonies and the metropole: they had become, or at least had the potential to become, a major rupture on the British economy a rupture Britain could not afford to fix, but only to cut out completely. In the early 20th century when British imperialism was at its height, Hobson11 saw the expansion of Britain in Africa as purely economic and an underhand method to help capitalists at the metropole this opinion was endorsed by Lenin in 191612 and, in an albeit modified form, by the historian Darwin in 1984: more completely than ever before, economics and empire had come together13. More recently, Cain and Hopkins14 have suggested that imperialism in Africa was established by gentleman capitalists15 who were simply aiming to make profit out of the African land. Of course, if this is the case, then with the post-war debt experienced in 1945 it would have been difficult to make money from these colonies, leading to decolonisation. The decolonisation of African colonies would effectively make Britain a richer country, therefore agreeing with the views expressed by Cain and Hopkins and others: the Empire had served its purpose of aiding Britains wealth but now it was draining it and, as such, it was time for it to go. The Suez Crisis of 1956 was one of the most decisive British actions in the 20th century to accelerate decolonisation in Africa. Former Prime Minister Harold MacMillan once remarked that it is events, dear boy, events16 which determine the success of a premiership. The term event is almost too light of a phrase to use when considering the Suez Crisis: not only did it annihilate Anthony Edens administration, but it was also the launching pad for many factors which saw British decolonisation vastly accelerated. There are two key elements of the crisis which paved the way to said factors: the deception employed by the imperialist powers of Britain and France, plus the apparent overreaction to a simple act of nationalisation by a head of state. Both these factors led to the reputations of the countries involved and international relations been damaged, as well as a decrease in trade. Britain was the driving force behind the attack hence she was particularly wounded with the political and economic fallout: for one, the special relationship with the United States was harmed (Secretary of State John Foster Dulles claimed the British government had explicitly lied to [him]17) and, more critically for this inquiry, her reputation within the African continent was damaged. Britain looked small and corrupt, a mere shadow of her former colonial self; she was attempting to throw her imperialist weight around in a world which it didnt seem to fit. Nasser had successfully stood up to the Western powers and won, thus undermining Britain and France, plus providing inspiration to the many oppressed colonies. However, it is possible that the reaction did not provoke the level of international condemnation that is contemporarily considered, showing a difference in historiography. To the African colonies, former British dominions that had experienced colonialism and anti-imperialist powers such as the USA, then yes, it is likely that Britains reputation was damaged. However, to other imperialists it is possible that the government simply appeared to be standing firm with a tyrant. World War 2 had been won only 11 years prior, hence the memory of what tyrannical dictators can achieve was still fresh in most leaders minds. Eden may have appeared noble and selfless, destroying not just his own political career but a carefully-crafted reputation built up over more than 20 years18 for the greater good of a safer world, or at least a more economically stable Great Britain. White has proposed that there [were] a number of lacklustre continuities, rather than dramatic discontinuities19 in imperialist policy following Edens departure: a government memorandum circulated in the immediate aftermath of the crisis, for instance, made no mention of impending decolonisation20. Suez was not so much a watershed, but a temporary setback in Britains imperial decline, indicating other factors are responsible. Economically, the Egyptian nationalisation of the canal posed a significant danger to Britain as 2/3 of the countrys oil utilised the waterway. The chief reason as to why Britain intervened in the first place (and, indeed, retained the Canal Zone in 1922) was that the government simply did not trust the Egyptians to efficiently control the windpipe21 of the British economy. Post-crisis, Britains humiliation resulted in a trade decrease and a catastrophic22 run on the pound, resulting in her appearing not only politically and militarily weak but also financially weak. This situation, which was caused by the Suez Crisis, meant that Britain could no longer afford to support the African colonies, implying that the British action of invading the Suez Canal Zone led to one of the factors which brought about the Empires collapse. Combined, these factors inspired nationalist movements within the colonies and general condemnation of imperialism, which also accelerated decolonisation. The crisis is unique as not only did it, to a certain extent accelerate decolonisation, but it is also one of the very few examples of where a British action greatly damages the standing of the Empire. Prior to Suez, Britain was surprisingly cautious with decolonisation (with regard to Africa, only 4 of her 24 colonies had been decolonised at this point); arguably this was to retain an Empire, but also to ensure that the new societies were ready to govern. It was only following the Suez debacle that decolonisation accelerated, implying that previously Britain had took great care over the handovers of power. South Africa was a stable society when decolonised in 1910 and, looking further afield, so were Australia, Canada and India. To many other countries and colonies, Britain appeared now unable to continue to be the metropole of a successful Empire. After all, if the dictator of a former colony could cause a country such ridicule, how could they be expected to carry on maintaining a successful Empire? Comparatively with White23, Turner has called the crisis a military failure and political disaster24, whilst Lapping has referred to it as the imperial cataclysm25 in decolonisation acceleration. The crisis was highly influential in the eventual collapse of the British Empire in Africa but it did not lead directly to decolonisation, rather greatly accelerated it. The rise of nationalism within the African colonies inevitably accelerated decolonisation; advocates of this theory argue that for decolonisation to occur there needs to be an opposition force to the status quo government (in this case, colonial British rule), thereby giving the people a choice. Looking throughout history at the Empire as a whole gives this theory credibility: look at the violent independence battles of the 13 North American colonies in 1783 or India in 1947, and compare that to the peaceful colony of the Falkland Islands which still exists today. The previous decolonisation record of the British government, plus the 1947 granting of independence to India, no doubt sent the message that it was only a matter of time before the African colonies were decolonised. India specifically was the jewel in the crown of the British Empire and as such its decolonisation will have led many, both in the colonies and abroad, to see the Empire as deteriorating. This accelerated nationalist movements within the African colonies, with India referencing the beginning of the end. After all, if India could be granted independence through a powerful and violent nationalist movement, then why couldnt the other far less prestigious colonies? Indian independence inspired others to rise up and attempt to take back control of their lands, accelerating the decolonisation process for British Africa. Similarly, plus to reiterate an earlier point, the Suez Crisis accelerated nationalism: Nasser appeared to be the David who had managed to annihilate the imperialist Goliath. This inspired nationalism in other colonies to grow and attempt to take back control of their lands: after all, if Nasser could manage it then why couldnt they? Harold MacMillans Winds of Change speech four years later further inspired this nationalism as, for the first time, the government officially acknowledged the inevitability of decolonisation. The speech sent the message to many colonial peoples that nationalism was acceptable: for the first time in almost 100 hundred years, power was given to the Africans. MacMillan was acknowledging that the British government could no longer afford to sustain an Empire and would be willing to pass power to the local peoples if they should so wish. The speech had a great effect as over the next ten years 88% of Britains remaining African colonies were granted independence; by 1968, only two remained. Nationalism was suddenly acceptable which encouraged those who may have been content to be a colony to rise up against imperialism. This speech, combined with Britains poor economic situation and damaged credibility following Suez, vastly accelerated decolonisation. Moreover, the vast majority of British colonies were underdeveloped both economically and socially which further advanced nationalism. Take Nigeria for instance: the peoples were so against colonial oppression many began to strike from work a surprisingly Western phenomenon implying the people were more integrated than they may have wished to believe. It is estimated that from 1945-50, over 100,000 working days were lost in Nigeria to strike action against colonial rule26. Even the Gold Coast (the very model27 of a colony) was not free of such demonstrations against imperialism: February 1948 witnessed a violent protest, resulting in the deaths of two British servicemen28. One only has to look at Kenya and the Mau Mau rebellions to see further evidence of increasing dissent with British imperialism. It had, to use the words of one modern historian, turned into a rapid scuttle29 of local nationalism. The Gold Coast was decolonized in 1957 but had been allowed to gradually master the art of modern government over many years, leading to a much more stable society post-independence, making it the very model of decolonisation30. In comparison, when Nigeria was swiftly decolonised in 1960 the government was a weak coalition with limited power two army coups followed in 1964 and 1966. Britains damaged reputation in the continent prevented stable governments from being created, resulting in far more fragile states today. French Algeria (despite been a province of the metropole) saw terrible violence between the FLN and colons: to use a term of warfare, the Algerian nationalists utilised violent guerrilla tactics to spread their cause, resulting in a great amount of destruction and loss of life. Algeria bullied itself into independence in 1962 further showing that imperial metropoles were not as powerful as they once were. It is an exaggeration perhaps, but it can be said that the Suez Crisis was the first instance which led to these new states political and economic troubles which still exist today. Look at Egypt and South Africa today or, from a more international perspective, India and Australia, all of which were granted independence pre-1956 and compare them to the troubled states of Nigeria, Kenya (1963) and Somalia (1960). The acceleration of British decolonisation in the latter half of the 20th century is the opposite of what the government and imperialists like the legendary Cecil Rhodes would have imagined just 60-70 years previously. They had fought sometimes bloody battles for the expansion of the British Empire into the less civilised areas of the world, yet now the government was seemingly trying to get rid of the Empire in as rapid and inefficient way as possible. Multiple factors account for the sudden acceleration of decolonisation, but most come back to the actions of the British: if Britain had, for instance, provided more support and direct governance in a Westernised style (as seen in the Gold Coast), her colonies would have developed at a greater rate leading to a greater level of content from the colonial peoples. However her neglect and exploitation of her own people led to dissent within the colonies, leading many to want out before they were politically ready. The most pivotal British action which is continually referred back to is the 1956 Suez Crisis: for the first time in the Empires history, the British appeared militarily, politically and economically weak, causing many in the African colonies to quite fairly believe they could run their countries better. Nationalism was inevitable, and the international conflicts of the Cold War and the two World Wars couldnt be stopped, implying that Britain herself was responsible for the downfall of her own Empire. If the crisis hadnt occurred then the Empire would have faded away through gradual decolonisation as each territory became more economically, politically and socially developed; instead, the Crisis turned decolonisation of Africa into a rapid scuttle31, with Britain almost retreating into a corner trying to distance herself as far as possible from the embarrassment of 1956. Today, it is easy to see that decolonisation was inevitable; the Suez Crisis just accelerated that inevitability. One of the worlds greatest Empires was established by one of the most powerful countries in the world, so it is only fitting that it was destroyed by one of the most disgraced it is just unfortunate they were both Great Britain. 1 Cain, P. J. Hopkins, A. J., 1993, British Imperialism: Crisis and Deconstruction, 1914-1990 2 Hodgkin, T., 1956, Nationalism in Colonial Africa 3 Turner, B., 2006, Suez 1956: The Inside Story of the First Oil War 4 Lapping, B., 1985, End of Empire 5 White, N. J., 1999, Decolonisation: The British Experience Since 1945, Pg 32 6 Thorn, G., 2008, End of Empires: European Decolonisation 1919-80, Pg 16 7 McLaughlin, J. L., 1994, The Colonial Era: British Rule of the Gold Coast 8 Ferguson, N., 2004, Empire: How Britain Made the Modern World 9 Rohrer, F., 10/05/2006, BBC News [Online] [http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/magazine/4757181.stm] [Accessed 25/04/2010] 10 Chamberlain, M.E., 1985, Decolonisation: The Fall of the European Empires, Pg 35 11 Hobson, J.A., 1902, Imperialism: A Study 12 Lenin, V., 1916, Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism 13 Darwin, J., 1984, British Decolonization since 1945: A Pattern or a Puzzle?, Pg 197 14 Cain, P. J. Hopkins, A. J., 1993, British Imperialism: Crisis and Deconstruction, 1914-1990 15 Cain, P. J. Hopkins, A. J., 1993, British Imperialism: Innovation and Expansion, 1688-1914 16 Beckett, F., 2006, MacMillan, Pg 97 17 Wilby, P., 2006, Eden, Pg 79 18 Wilby, P., 2006, Eden, Pg 128 19 White, N. J., 1999, Decolonisation: The British Experience Since 1945, Pg 85 20 White, N. J., 1999, Decolonisation: The British Experience Since 1945, Pg 128 21 Wilby, P., 2006, Eden, Pg 96 22 White, N. J., 1999, Decolonisation: The British Experience Since 1945, Pg 84 23 White, N. J., 1999, Decolonisation: The British Experience Since 1945 24 Turner, B., 2006, Suez 1956: The Inside Story of the First Oil War 25 Lapping, B., 1985, End of Empire 26 White, N. J., 1999, Decolonisation: The British Experience Since 1945, Pg 48 27 Thorn, G., 2008, End of Empires: European Decolonisation 1919-80, Pg 50 28 White, N. J., 1999, Decolonisation: The British Experience Since 1945, Pg 49 29 Lapping, B., 1985, End of Empire, Pg 227 30 Thorn, G., 2008, End of Empires: European Decolonisation 1919-80, Pg 50 31 Lapping, B., 1985, End of Empire, Pg 227

Jean-Baptiste Lully :: essays research papers fc

Jean Baptiste Lully was a prolific composer who is best known for establishing French Opera. (Boynick) Born in Florence on the 28th of November 1632, (Boynick) Giovanni Battista Lulli was a miller’s son. (Sadie 2000 pg 166) Lully first arrived in France in March of 1646 (Jean Baptiste Lully) to work as an attendant for a female courtier. (Sadie 2000 pg. 166) â€Å"During his six years in her household, Lully, already an expert at the guitar and violin, polished his skills as a performer and composer.† (Straughan (a)) He made a name for himself as a dancer in the court ballets. (Straughan (a)) He caught the attention of King Louis XIV and initially served him as "composer of instrumental music† (Straughan (a)) He soon took over compositions of entire ballets. (Straughan (a)) â€Å"Some time before 1656, he also took over responsibility for the string ensemble called the Petits violons, which he transformed into a group widely renowned for their discipline and artistic excellence.† (Straughan (a)) A clever diplomatist and thorough courtier, he completely won the royal favour, and in March, 1672, he succeeded in ousting Abbe Perrin from the directorship of the Academy of Music, also known as â€Å"the Academie Royale†. (Knight) â€Å"Ten years later he had consolidated his position by obtaining sole rights over all dramatic performances with singing.†(Sadie 2000 pg. 166) â€Å"Any production not affiliated with The Academie Royale was limited to two singers and six players.† (Jean Baptiste Lully) From that point on, he successfully founded modern French opera. â€Å"His involvement was not limited to musical composition. He collaborated with his poets in the production of libretti, and even took an interest in the acting and declamation of the performers. His insistence on discipline and high artistic standards in the opera orchestra was legendary† (Straughan (a)) â€Å"Louis XIV became ill in late 1686.† (Jean Baptiste Lully) While conducting a Te Deum on January 8, 1687, (Straughan (a)) to celebrate the king's recovery Lully accidentally hit his foot with the point of the cane he used to keep time. (Sadie 2000 pg. 166) This wound caused an abscess which proved fatal as Lully died on March 22, 1687. (Straughan (a)) Jean Baptiste Lully made significant contributions to French music. His initial compositions â€Å"ballets de cour† didn’t deviate from the Italian forms. (Straughan (a)) They were merely collections of dances and burlesque scenes. (Gregory) â€Å"A step in Lully’s progression from ballet to opera was the increased role of music in his ballets.

Releasing Protected Health Information Essay

When it comes to the handling of patient’s records and them being released, it is not an easy process. It is very important for each patient that opts to have their information released for whatever reason sign a release form stating that they authorize their information being released. There are times in which a patient’s records can be released without having their authorization. In this case, the records can be requested from government agencies, legal agencies or a representative, and a research that may subpoena a medical profession for this information. Every person that becomes a patient in a healthcare facility is protected by something called HIPAA. The Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act of 1996 (HIPAA) is a federal law passed by Congress that amended â€Å"the Internal Revenue Code of 1986 to improve portability and continuity of health insurance coverage in the group and individual markets, to combat waste, fraud, and abuse in health insuran ce and health care delivery, to promote the use of medical savings accounts, to improve access to long-term care services and coverage, to simplify the administration of health insurance, and for other purposes,† according to Essential of Healthcare Management (2011). HIPAA is a set of rules that address the use of privacy and confidentiality of an individual’s health records. Any facility that practices with the care of a patient is subject to the privacy rule of HIPAA. The covered entities would be considered privacy and disclosure of information as protected health information. The covered entity is required to obtain an individual’s authorization prior to disclosing any health information. Every patient when seen by a healthcare professional is made aware of their rights to how they want their medical information to be used. The reason for this is to keep patients information private and protected.  What it does allow is some information to be able to be transferred with the patient from physician to physician so that they the physician can know something about the patient to help them in the best way that they can. There are different circumstances by which agencies or covered entities have the right or legal obligation to access or obtain Patient’s Healthcare Information (PHI). PHI is under the HIPAA that gives the privacy regulation the privacy that should remain between the patient and doctor. Under some circumstances the gove rnment has the right or legal obligation to a patient’s medical records. Any health care data for analysis in support of policy, planning, regulatory or management functions, it is permitted to disclose information to other government agencies for health data systems (according to http://www.ncdhhs.gov/healthit/exchange/NCLaws_alignment.pdf). Any non-covered government entities may only maintain a limited amount of data sets of information. This is so that the identifiers (name, address and Social Security numbers) can be removed before the government agency receives them. When files are usually authorized to the law officials, it may be because the person can be a victim of domestic violence to a government authority, abuse, and neglect. In a case like the patient is informed that their information has been released unless the health facility believes that a serious harm will occur or the person may portray to themselves. Researchers may need to use files without being authorized to do so if they need to find a treatment for the person. Trying to receive the approval from a patient can be time consuming by which can getting a glimpse at the files and starting the job is much easier. I believe that no matter what kind of storage that is placed on medical records, it is secured and should be assessable when needed. Law official/ researchers are able to subpoena records due to research or something. I believe that they should be authorized to obtain records without a patient’s authority depending on the case. I believe that having records subpoena should go by a base-to-base case. I believe that privacy safeguards are adequate to support the law agencies, researchers, and government agencies of having them be able to obtain information about a patient even without their consent. I believe that in the long run, it makes it easier for some of these agencies to be able to do their job without any interruptions and debater. Before starting this class, I did not know as much as I do now. I believe that the HIPAA law  is something that protects patients from their PHI being exposed to the wrong people. It is something that is great that is in place! References Green, M. A., & Bowie, M. J. (2011). Essentials of Health Information Management (2nd ed.). Clifton Park, NY: Delmar, Cengage Learning. Legal Requirements for Consent to Disclose Patient Information. (2010). Retrieved from http://www.ncdhhs.gov/healthit/exchange/NCLaws_alignment.pdf U.S. Department Health & Human Services. (2013). Retrieved from http://ww

Women s Rights, Equality, And Opportunities - 1269 Words

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Introduction All over the world women from various cultural and social backgrounds have a long tradition of rights and responsibilities to live in society with respect and dignity. Though there are difference between men and women in specific aptitude, powers and functions they have to be regarded as complementary to each other. We can’t deny that one sex is making up what other lacks acting in specific sphereRead MoreThe Vindication Of The Rights Of Women1369 Words   |  6 PagesWollstonecraft, The Vindication of the Rights of Women. To investigate this, I will first summarize her work and someone else s interpretation of it, then analyze the author, voice, message and significance, and finally analyze the two works to answer the question, What are the current ideas about your philosopher? How have their ideas influenced us today?. 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Sometimes you ve got to blast through and have faith.†(Emma Watson) Gender inequality is a problem that people face in everyday life, whether it comes in the form of gender stereotypes or a pay difference, it’s something everyone deals with. As a UN Global Goodwill Ambassador, Emma Watson is striving to abolish gender inequality around the world. She is working with the program HeForShe to make genderRead MoreThe Women s Rights Movement1547 Words   |  7 PagesFlorida SouthWestern State College The Women’s Rights Movement What was the significance of the Seneca Falls Convention on the Women’s Rights Movement? Jennifer Flores AMH2010 Mr. Stehlin 16 November 2015 The Women’s Rights Movement began in 1848 with the first assembly of women and men gathering to discuss the civil, social, and other conditions of women. The Seneca Falls Convention was the start of the women’s movement. The two women who organized this event were Lucretia Mott andRead MoreThe Convention On The Elimination Of All Forms Of Discrimination Against Women1445 Words   |  6 PagesElimination of All forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) is a comprehensive international treaty, created to advocate for the rights of women s. It is a highly ratified treaty since one hundred and eighty-six of the UN’s 193 members have agreed to apply its principles to their nation states and to protect and fulfil its terms and conditions (Wakefield 2010, p.22). The aim of the essay is to demonstrate the strengths of CEDAW in promoting gender equality, whilst simultaneously study its weakness inRead MoreDoes Feminism Create Equality?1037 Words   |  5 PagesDoes Feminism Create Equality? Feminism is an umbrella term for people who think there is something wrong with the idea that gender has the capability to limit an individual’s social and political right. Even if there is inequality between men and women, feminism has never been the main reason to give women their civil rights. Feminism started among European activists in the 19th century, when women were not treated equally and were not elected to high positions of power. Indeed, it sought to eliminate